SPOMENICA POGINULIM I NESTALIM BRANITELJIMA HVO-a
Solvej, Mostar, 2000.
Skupina autora

BORBA HRVATSKOGA NARODA U BIH ZA OPSTOJNOST

Ne treba posebno dokazivati kako je veći dio prostora današnje Bosne i Hercegovine u povijesti bio dijelom srednjovjekovne hrvatske države, u kojoj je u cijelom tom razdoblju živio uglavnom hrvatski narod. Ujedno, ovaj je prostor bio nesretnim poprištem stalnih sukobljavanja Istoka i Zapada; smjenjivali su se ovdje politički sustavi i vladari, pučanstvo je protjerivano, a demografska, nacionalna i religijska slika stalno se mijenjala. Tako su, napokon, granice današnje BiH zapravo granice turskih osvajanja ili su proistek nekih kompromisa bilo Turskog imperija s drugim silama, bilo nekih drugih zavojevača, ali uvijek u račun njihove tuđinske sebičnosti i na štetu domaćih, hrvatskih interesa.
Posebice je pod Otomanskim imperijem hrvatski katolički puk neprestano bio prisiljavan na iseljavanje ili, pak, na promjenu vjere što je nudilo puko preživljavanje i poneku povlasticu. Nakon propasti tog imperija, BiH je anektirala Austro-Ugarska, da bi njezinom propašću BiH postala dijelom novonastale jugoslavenske zajednice.
Bosna i Hercegovina je, nadalje, među posljednjim bivšim jugoslavenskim republikama prihvatila osamostaljenje i taj je put - i stoga -bio i dulji, i krvaviji i dramatičniji. Tko je bio kreatorom te “politike čekanja” i koje su posljedice takova političkog ponašanja, danas vidimo svi, a relevantnije će povijesne prosudbe o tomu, nadajmo se, ipak donijeti povjesničari.
Vodeća politička snaga hrvatskog naroda od 1990. godine u BiH je Hrvatska demokratska zajednica, koja svoj politički program gradi na načelima suverene i cjelovite BiH te autohtonosti, konstitutivnosti, državotvornosti i suverenosti hrvatskog naroda. U skladu s tim načelima 18. studenoga 1991. godine predstavnici hrvatskog naroda, legalno izabrani na višestranačkim izborima 1990. godine, donose odluku o formiranju Hrvatske zajednice Herceg-Bosne, koja obuhvaća općine s većinskim hrvatskim pučanstvom. Muslimansko vodstvo - da podsjetimo - upravo u to vrijeme, bez znanja Hrvata, pregovara sa srpskim vodstvom o priključenju BiH Srbiji, odnosno Jugoslaviji. Hrvati su tako, nakon svih povijesnih iskustava, izabrali najbolji put za Bosnu i Hercegovinu i sebe u njoj, a Muslimani su, začudo i s prvim mrtvim glavama u ovome ratu još bili u mjerenju kako će tzv. JNA sačuvati državnost Bosne i Hercegovine i njih kao narod.
Muslimansko se političko vodstvo, dakle, opredjeljuje za ideju BiH kao samostalne i neovisne države tek poslije silnih kolebanja, odnosno tek kad mu je bilo jasno da su Srbi zainteresirani za BiH, ili za jedan njezin dio, samo kao etnički očišćeno područje u sastavu tzv. Velike Srbije. Štoviše, Srbi su još početkom 1992. godine svima jasno dali do znanja da ih BiH kao samostalna država uopće ne zanima. Oni ne žele sudjelovati na referendumu o državnoj samostalnosti, koji je održan 29. veljače 1992. godine, a ta činjenica Hrvate još više učvršćuje u nakani da se kao najstariji politički narod u zemlji trajno i sustavno zaštite. Na referendum je tada izašlo 63,7% bosansko-hercegovačkih birača, među kojima cjelokupno hrvatsko pučanstvo, a 99,4% onih koji su izašli na referendum izjasnilo se “za suverenu i nezavisnu Republiku BiH, državu građana i naroda: Muslimana, Srba i Hrvata i drugih naroda koji u njoj žive". No, da budemo precizniji, potrebno je reći kako su za tu formulaciju glasovali uglavnom Bošnjaci (tada Muslimani) i Hrvati, i to od cjelokupnog muslimanskog glasačkog tijela (38% u BiH) tek 68%, a od hrvatskog (23% glasačkog tijela u BiH) za suverenu i nezavisnu bosanskohercegovačku državu glasovalo je 96% glasača.
Odmah nakon referenduma velikosrpska armada napada i razara hrvatsko selo Ravno. Izetbegović, kao tadašnji predsjednik Predsjedništva Republike BiH, izjavljuje: “To nije naš rat". Toj nenarodnoj armadi Muslimani u Zenici i Stocu, pri njezinom povlačenju iz Hrvatske, priređuju svečane dočeke i cvijeće. Tek nakon pokolja u Bijeljini, nakon krvavog pira tijekom travnja 1992. godine i uzaludnih, svakako apsurdnih i bizarnih poziva žrtve samom napadaču da intervenira i uspostavi mir i sigurnost, tek tada, dakle, Izetbegović zaključuje: “Armija nas je izdala!" No, njegovi onodobni pozivi muslimanskom narodu na vojno organiziranje danas su bizarni koliko i pozivi samom napadaču da pomogne. Predsjedništvo i Vlada BiH tada traže od JNA da napusti zemlju te imenuju Srbiju kao agresora. Bosnu i Hercegovinu Europska zajednica i Republika Hrvatska 7. travnja 1992. godine priznaju kao neovisnu državu.
Početkom travnja 1992. godine, radi obrane od srpske agresije i zaštite Hrvata u BiH, hrvatski narod i njegovi predstavnici osnivaju Hrvatsko vijeće obrane (HVO) kao svoju oružanu silu u BiH. Legitimitet HVO-a potvrđuje tada i Haris Silajdžić, kao predsjednik Vlade RBiH, u posebnom pismu upućenom Vijeću sigurnosti UN-a 16. svibnja 1992. godine.
Na području Hrvatske zajednice Herceg-Bosne 4. travnja proglašena je opća mobilizacija, jer srpske snage, tzv. JNA, otvaraju ratna žarišta na cijelom području BiH. Pored Sarajeva, napadnuti su i Odžak, Bosanski Brod, Derventa, Brčko, Tomislavgrad, Kupres, Livno, te dolina Neretve, gdje se branila ne samo opstojnost Hrvata u BiH, nego i integritet Republike Hrvatske. Osim Mostara koji je opkoljen i ranjavan s okolnih brda, Srbi su raketirali i Široki Brijeg, Čitluk, Međugorje, Ljubuški, Čapljinu, Neum... HVO se učinkovito brani i uskoro započinje s napadnim aktivnostima. Zauzeta je vojarna u Čapljini, oslobođeni su Ravno, Tasovčići, Mostar i cijela dolina Neretve. S manje uspjeha je tek 18. svibnja 1992. godine, nakon što je Mostar očišćen od posljednjih četničkih uporišta, izdan proglas Muslimanima od kojih se traži da zajedno s Hrvatima stupe u obranu grada. HVO je u to vrijeme pružio pravi otpor agresoru, i bez neke naročite pomoći drugih vojnih formacija oslobodio je 30% teritorija BiH. Tako su spašeni mnogi ljudski životi te je omogućeno i oživljavanje gospodarstva kao i formiranje struktura vlasti.
Ipak, uprkos svemu, Ustavni sud BiH 15. rujna 1992. godine donosi odluku o neustavnosti Hrvatske zajednice Herceg-Bosne, a Alija Izetbegović za već očite muslimansko-hrvatske sukobe optužuje “neke radikalne snage koje žele stvoriti državu u državi”. Postavke o “jedinstvenoj i građanskoj BiH” s Muslimanima kao “temeljnim narodom” u državi Hrvati zbog povijesnih iskustava - i ne samo zbog njih - nisu mogli prihvatiti. Da bi se konačno otjelovila sva nelogičnost takvog političkog ponašanja muslimanskog vodstva, sjetimo se i činjenice kako u to vrijeme, u jeku najgrozomornije opsade Sarajeva od strane srpskih napadača, Armija BiH zauzima sarajevsko hrvatsko naselje Stup. Podsjetimo, već je ranije u krvi ugušen njihov ionako slabašan otpor agresoru u istočnoj i zapadnoj Bosni. Tada, umjesto pouke, muslimansko vodstvo porađa samo još more novih iluzija, čije smo, u postdaytonskoj BiH, mi svi skupa žrtve i danas.
Sukobi Muslimana i Hrvata, uz rušiteljsko djelovanje KOS-a i stranih špijunskih mreža, intenziviraju se početkom 1993. godine. Armija BiH žestoko napada hrvatska naselja u srednjoj Bosni i gornjoj Hercegovini (Gornji Vakuf, Busovača, Travnik, Visoko, Fojnica, Prozor, Konjic, Jablanica, Mostar), nastojeći ih zauzeti, protjerati pučanstvo i tako promijeniti demografsku sliku tih područja. HVO uspijeva obraniti veći dio prostora kojeg su muslimanske postrojbe, pojačane mudžahedinima, htjele osvojiti i etnički očistiti. Na žalost, civilna stradanja i materijalna razaranja bila su velika. Stravični su zločini počinjeni u Križančevu Selu, Buhinim Kućama, Šehitlucima, Brestovskom, Bilalovcu, Plani, Pavlovici, Uzdolu, Trusini, Budišinoj Ravni, Kostajnici, Obrima, Vrcama, Jurićima, Ljubuncima, Doljanima, Grabovici, žepačkom Kiseljaku i u drugim mjestima. Uz mnoge hrvatske civilne žrtve u cijeloj BiH, uz više od 200 tisuća prognanih, tijekom Domovinskog rata poginulo je preko 7 tisuća pripadnika HVO-a, a preko 20 tisuća ih je ranjeno.
Muslimanska je vojska, predstavljajući se kao vojska cijele Bosne i Hercegovine i svih njenih naroda (Armija BiH), u potpunosti od nemuslimana očistila Travnik, Kakanj, Fojnicu, Zenicu, Sarajevo, Bugojno, Jablanicu, rabeći često zločinačke metode koje su nadmašivale i one četničke. Zlorabeći zatečenu medijsku infrastrukturu, koja je uglavnom bila smještena u Sarajevu, a koja je vlasništvo svih naroda i građana ove zemlje, oni su, dakako, HVO i Hrvate optužili za etničko čišćenje (pa i za "etničko samočišćenje”), kako bi se tako kompromitirala svaka politička ideja u Hrvata i kako bi se derogirali njihovi opravdani politički zahtjevi.
Pritisnuti između čekića i nakovnja, između dva daleko brojnija agresora, Hrvati su 28. kolovoza 1993. godine u Grudama proglasili Hrvatsku Republiku Herceg-Bosnu, uz zaključak da se BiH treba organizirati kao zajednica triju konstitutivnih naroda, što može osigurati opstojnost njezinim narodima kao i samoj državi. Taj zaključak - podsjetimo - potpuno je na tragu svih prijedloga međunarodnih pregovarača o uređenju BiH, od Cuttiliera preko Owena i Vancea do Stoltenberga. Nota bene, svi takvi prijedlozi i koncepcije međunarodnih subjekata primani su logičnima, ali kada bi isti takvi prijedlozi dolazili s hrvatske strane onda su smatrani heretičnima, pa čak i destruktivnima za BiH.
U ožujku je 1994. godine potpisan Washingtonski sporazum o Federaciji Hrvata i Muslimana, kojim je napokon prekinut rat i stradanje hrvatskog pučanstva, a istodobno je potpisan i preliminarni sporazum o uspostavi konfederacije Federacije BiH i Republike Hrvatske, koji je kasnije različitim manipulacijama muslimanskih predstavnika do kraja potisnut. Daytonski mirovni sporazum o dva entiteta i tri konstitutivna naroda potpisan je 21. studenoga 1995. godine, i njime su u BiH prestala ratna djelovanja. Već je nebrojenim primjerima u praksi potvrđeno kako taj sporazum nije pravedan, ali stoji činjenica kako je bolji od nastavka rata. Njime je Republika Hrvatska ostvarila svoju teritorijalni cjelovitost, a u Bosni i Hercegovini je zajamčena konstitutivnost hrvatskom narodu na svim razinama. Daytonski mirovni sporazum ne bi bio moguć bez prethodne vojne akcije Hrvatske vojske i HVO-a, kojom je od srpskih snaga oslobođeno područje Bihaća, Cazinske krajine i zapadne Bosne sve do Banje Luke, a Slobodan Milošević po prvi put ozbiljno doveden za pregovarački stol. Hrvatskim su snagama za tu akciju odali priznanje i zahvalnost bošnjački političari, bošnjačka javnost, SAD, zapadnoeuropske države i gotovo cjelokupna svjetska javnost. Akcija je uslijedila nakon poziva Alije Izetbegovića za pomoć i dogovore u kojima je sudjelovala i američka strana. Hrvati su tako učinili ono što međunarodna zajednica nije mogla ili nije htjela učiniti, mirno promatrajući uništavanje Sarajeva i pokolje u UN-ovoj zaštićenoj zoni Srebrenice, a pred samim se padom tada našao i, također, “zaštićeni” Bihać.
Na žalost, i nakon više od četiri godine od Daytona još je veliki broj onih Hrvata koji se ne mogu vratiti svojim domovima u Republici Hrvatskoj, da i ne govorimo o Bosni i Hercegovini i prostoru Federacije pod muslimanskim nadzorom. Na dijelu je promišljena, tiha revizija Daytona; Hrvati su na rubu biološkog nestanka u BiH, na njih se, štoviše, vrši svakodnevni i svakovrsni pritisak bizarnim optužbama za nekooperativnost i destruktivnost, ugrožava se njihov nacionalni i kulturni identitet putem nametanja unitarnih obrazovnih, administrativnih, informativnih, izbornih i drugih sustava, nastoje se u potpunosti prekinuti čak i njihove duhovne veze s Republikom Hrvatskom.
Nasuprot svemu tome, hrvatske žrtve u proteklom ratu, stradanja pripadnika HVO-a i civila, kao i sva materijalna razaranja ne mogu i ne smiju bili uzaludna. Hrvatski narod ima razbora i ponosa da to neće dopustiti. Žrtve uvijek obvezuju. One obvezuju na očuvanje onog što je krvlju obranjeno i zalogom su potpune slobode hrvatskog čovjeka, ma gdje on živio. To prije svega podrazumijeva mogućnost posve nesmetanog očitovanja nacionalnog identiteta u svoj njegovoj mnogostrukosti. Dakle, u političkom, kulturnom, duhovnom, obrazovnom i svakom drugom pogledu, što sve skupa podrazumijeva trajne veze s Republikom Hrvatskom. To su ona jamstva koja obećaju da se tragična hrvatska povijest u BiH više ne može ponoviti. Stoga nam je nužna daljnja borba, nadati se - politički i kulturološki, u cilju jačanja vlastitog identiteta! Obvezuju nas na to naša povijesna iskustva te naše goleme žrtve i stradanja u ovom, vjerujemo, posljednjem ratu hrvatskog naroda na cjelokupnom njegovom životnom prostoru. Stoga, budimo dostojni žrtve onih koji se hrabro i nesebično podariše svom narodu.

Ante Jelavić


NJIHOVA SU IMENA SVETA KNJIGA SLOBODE

Domovinski rat u svom nazivu nosi sav opis svog značenja. I gord i krvav. I Domovinu i rat. Hrvatska povijesnom hodu dodaje godine Domovinskog rata ispisane krvlju i opisane mirisom baruta. Mali narod i mala zemlja, udareni vjetrometinom povijesnih događanja, imaju istančan osjećaj za opstanak u životu. Opstala je Domovina i odoljela teškim i olovnim vremenima. Odoljela je zaplotnjačkim politikama, smicalicama, interesima najrazličitijih, sve pod krinkom ljubavi prema istoj.
Vremena što dolaze u susret nose sa sobom zahtjevnost, a onaj tko ih u prsa prima, mora im znati odgovoriti. Ima vrijeme mira, ali i vrijeme rata. Našoj je Domovini devedesetih došlo vrijeme rata. Najopasnije za pojedinca i narod, pa tako i za Domovinu jest da ne pronikneš vrijeme. Da u vremenu koje od tebe traži da se u ruku uzme puška, ti to ne shvatiš. Jer Domovini je došlo vrijeme rata, njeni ponajbolji sinovi predvođeni legendarnim sinom i ocem Domovine dr. Franjom Tuđmanom pronikli su u pore vremena. Vidjeli su, to je vrijeme u kojem se ratuje da bi bilo Domovine. I zato je Domovinski rat. Rat je vodila Domovina, i to je više nego da bi se rat vodio za Domovinu. Ovome ratu najveća je svetost da je domovinski.
Ljudi su se sami naoružavali, sami su išli pred tenkove, sami su presretali srbočetničke kolone, sami su kopali rovove i pravili obrambene straže. Ljudi su htjeli dati svoj život za svoju Domovinu. Oni su joj pjevali dok su ginuli da bi smrt za Domovinu bila što ljepšom. Ne znam pamti li naša povijest i povijest drugih naroda i domovina svijeta veću dragovoljačku ustrojnost i odziv. Najprije su postojali dragovoljci punog srca i hrabrosti, pa se tek onda osnivaju postrojbe. A kad je rat širom otvorio vrata, već je oltar Domovine bio prepun onih koji su se na njemu žrtvovali.
Svetost prolivene krvi mora se poštovati, a počiva na poznavanju povijesti HVO-a. HVO je krik iskona za slobodom. Da tvorci vizije o slobodi i samostalnosti na ovim prostorima, a to bijaše goloruki narod, ne krenuše u Hrvatsko vijeće obrane, uzalud bi bile sve pjesme, sve priče, svi verbalni ratovi. HVO je izdanak iz patnja tisućljeća hrvatske korjenike koju, kako naglasišmo, stoljeća nepravdi i zatiranja nisu iskorijenila.
Izbio je svojom mladicom i u kratkom vremenu izrastao u snagu istinske oružane sile. HVO ima preko sedam tisuća poginulih vojnika i časnika, na tisuće i tisuće ranjenih, tisuće nestalih.
Svoju su zemlju postrojbe HVO-a prepješačile uzduž i poprijeko, znaju sve njene kote naizust. Svim rijekama su izmjerili korita, svim poljima podarili svoje gorljive poglede što su čeznuli za slobodom, mirom i samostalnošću.
Predvođeni svojim najboljim sinovima, ustrojeni po našim dičnim muževima, koji su u malom prstu imali i onu najmanju patnju povijesti, ne želimo ništa prepustiti zaboravu. U viziji predsjednika svih Hrvata dr. Tuđmana, u odlučnosti ministra obrane gospodina Šuška, te u neizmjernom srcu i duhu predsjednika Bobana stao je ovaj ispaćeni hrvatski puk na svoje noge. Nije osnovao HVN, vijeće napada, već HVO, vijeće obrane. Da obrani hrvatski narod u BiH. Nismo htjeli milosti ugnjetača, zaloge u kojima se ni preživljavanje ne osigurava.
MRIJETI SMO HTIJELI DA SLOBODE BUDE!
I danas, ako zašutimo, kamenje će vrištati krvlju naših vitezova: u slavnoj Hercegovini i hrvatskom stolnom Mostaru kojemu toliko povijest i znamenja zatiraše, u Srednjoj Bosni što je stoljećima skapavala za svoju Hrvatsku i što je zauvijek obranila svoju Lašvu, u Posavini koja je čežnjom sinova slobode uvijek Savu hrvatskom sačuvala i na drugoj obali, na kojoj izginuše najbolji sinovi za slobodu i samostojnost Hrvata. Sve naše bitke napravile su povijest, sva krv naših sinova traži vrijeme u kojem će se narod konačno naći siguran - svoj na svome, na svojoj tisućljetnoj zemlji Hrvata na prostorima BiH.
Ime svakog hrvatskog viteza zlatom je Domovinski rat upisao u povjesnicu Domovine. Oni sjaje sa svojih mauzoleja i poput stupova ponosa bilježe domovinsku hrabrost. Pod kapom s hrvatskim grbom išli su sinovi hrvatske oružane sile obraniti hrvatske pragove dostojanstva, obraniti stoljetne povijesne hrvatske i katoličke svetinje, išli su piti vodu sa svojih rijeka, brati bilje s hrvatskih najviših vrhova.
Naša je dužnost i sveta obveza živim učiniti spomen na njih, sačuvati onaj duh kojim su sanjali svoju Domovinu. Sni su isanjani do životne stvarnosti kojom moramo živjeti i učiniti slobodnu i samostalnu vječnu nam Hrvatsku. Ovaj spomen njihovih imena sveta je knjiga koju ne smijemo zaboraviti.

Stanko Sopta


UREDNIKOVA RIJEČ

Ova spomen-knjiga bilježi imena poginulih i nestalih pripadnika Hrvatskog vijeća obrane (HVO-a) u Domovinskom ratu, donoseći glavne podatke o žrtvama i njihovoj pogibiji, odnosno nestanku.
Hrvatsko vijeće obrane je ostvarenje stoljetnog hrvatskog sna da se naši vojnici, po prvi put u povijesti, u jednom jedinstvenom obrambenom zboru, nađu svi na jednoj strani pod aureolom Domovinskog rata i da kao organizirana vojna sila, nastala voljom hrvatskog naroda i njegovih predstavnika u BiH, brane hrvatske prostore.
U Domovinskom ratu poginulo je preko 7000 vojnika HVO-a, a razdoblje u kojem se bilježe te žrtve uzimamo od početka rata (20. rujna 1991. godine) pa do 22. travnja 1996. godine.
Temeljni izvor podataka bila je Uprava za skrb HVO-a, odjeli za skrb iz Uprava za obranu, ali i svi drugi relevantni izvori.
Premda se godinama radilo na utvrđivanju evidencije poginulih i nestalih pripadnika HVO-a, zbog raznih razloga javljaju se različite znamenke. Najveći razlog tim razlikama u broju poginulih i nestalih vojnika HVO-a je stoga što neki pojedinci ili skupine Muslimana-Bošnjaka iz popisa poginulih u HVO-u bivaju preneseni na popis (skrb) poginulih vojnika Armije BiH voljom tamošnje administracije, voljom obitelji ili pak zbog nekih drugih razloga. Isto tako u ratu su neke obitelji potpuno nestale, druge raseljene s ovih prostora, pa je i to bio razlog otežana prikupljanja podataka.
Ima pojedinih neslaganja i u nazivima postrojba u kojima je vojnik poginuo, odnosno nestao. Jer, neki su nazivi navođeni kakvi su bili u doba stradanja dotičnog vojnika, a opet na drugom mjestu javlja se novi naziv postrojbe u koju je negdašnja postrojba prerasla.
Napravljen je obrazac prema kojemu se traže podaci i fotografije, a Uprava za skrb i odjeli za skrb iz Uprava za obranu došli su do svih bitnih podataka i najvećeg broja fotografija, uloživši pri tom puno marljivosti, ustrajnosti pa i samoprijegora, na čemu im se iskreno zahvaljujemo.
Uredništvo spomen-knjige, pomnim proučavanjem, dugotrajnim provjeravanjem podataka i raščlambom svih glavnih elemenata, gradilo je kratku, ali jasnu sliku svakog poginulog i nestalog vojnika HVO-a.
Unatoč ponavljanim anketama, velikoj ustrajnosti i maru svih Odjela za skrb, usprkos odgovornu i savjesnu radu Uredništva spomen-knjige, opet će se, vjerojatno, naći poneki propust. Stoga vas molimo da ne budete oštri kritičari nego dobronamjerni čitatelji i vjerni baštinici hrvatske vojničke žrtve i njezine časti te da svoje primjedbe uputite Uredništvu kako bismo što prije otklonili možebitne propuste. (U knjizi prilažemo list za dopunsku popunu podataka.)
Neka ova spomen-knjiga bude svjedočenje poštovanja i ljubavi svetoj žrtvi, po kojoj smo i opstali kao narod na ovim prostorima, i neka je uzmogne dostojno čuvati, kao najsvetiju relikviju, svaka hrvatska obitelj.

Šimun Musa


THE STRUGGLE OF CROATIAN PEOPLE IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA FOR THEIR EXISTENCE

No further evidence is needed to prove that larger part of the territory of today’s Bosnia and Herzegovina was in the past a part of medieval Croatian state in which, at that time, mostly Croatian people lived. At the same time this territory was a fatal stage of permanent battles between the East and the West; different political establishments, as well as different rulers, replaced here one another; people were exiled and demographic, national and religious picture was constantly changing. However, the borders of today’s Bosnia and Herzegovina are, in fact, the borders of former Turkish conquests or the result of some compromises, whether of the Turkish Empire with other forces or some other conquerors, but always for the benefit of foreign selfishness and at the expense of domestic Croatian interests. Especially under the Ottoman Empire the Croatian Catholic people were constantly forced to move out or to change their religion for mere survival or some smaller rights. After the fall of that Empire, Bosnia and Herzegovina was annexed to Austro-Hungarian Empire and after its fall it became a part of newly created Yugoslav association.
Furthermore, Bosnia and Herzegovina accepted, among the last ex-Yugoslav republics, the idea of independence and therefore its path was longer, more dramatic and covered with more blood than in other republics. Who was the creator of that “policy of waiting” and what were the consequences of such political behaviour, we can easily see today, but we hope that more relevant historical conclusions about it will be made by historians.
The leading political force of Croatian people since 1990 in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), which based its political programme on the ideas of sovereign and entire Bosnia and Herzegovina and autochtony, constitutiveness, and sovereignty of Croatian people. According to these principles, on 18th November 1991, the representatives of Croatian people, legally elected on multy-party elections of 1990, brought a decision of founding the Croatian Union of Herzeg-Bosnia, which included the places inhabited mostly by the Croats.
The Muslim leadership, just to remind, at that time, without informing Croats, negotiated with the Serbian leadership about annexion of Bosnia and Herzegovina to Serbia, i.e. Yugoslavia.
So the Croats, after different historical experiences, chose the best way for Bosnia and Herzegovina and their place in it and the Muslims, even after the first killed people in the war, still believed that JNA (Yugoslav People's Army) would save both the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Muslims as a nation.
The Muslim political leadership, however, chose the idea of Bosnia and Herzegovina as independent and autonomous state, after very long hesitation, i.e. only when it was obvious that the Serbs were interested in Bosnia and Herzegovina, or just one part of it - ethnically cleaned territory of so called Great Serbia.
Whatsmore, the Serbs, even in the beginning of 1992, clearly declared that they were not interested in Bosnia and Herzegovina as an independent state. They did not want to take part in the referendum about the independence which was held on 29th February 1992, and this fact persuaded the Croats even more to organize themselves permanently and systematically as the oldest political people in this country. About 63.7% of the electors voted on the referendum, among them very high percentage of the Croatian people and 99.4% of the voters gave their votes for “sovereign and independent Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the state of citizens and nations of Muslims, Serbs and Croats as well as other people living in it.”
To be more precise, mostly Bosniaks (Muslims at that time) and Croats voted for that option, that is, out of the total number of Muslim voters in BH (which is 38%) only 68% voted for sovereign and independent BH. As for the Croats, out of the total number of them (which is 23%) even 96% gave their votes for sovereign and independent BH.
Immediately after the referendum, the Great Serbian army attacked and destroyed the Croatian village of Ravno. Izetbegović, at that time the President of Bosnia and Herzegovina said: “This is not our war!” That non-people’s army was welcomed with flowers in Zenica and Stolac, when it withdrew from Croatia. Only after the bloodshed in Bijeljina during the April 1992 and after desperate, bizarre and absurd cries of the victim to the agressor to intervene and insure peace and security, only then, Izetbegović said: “The Army has betrayed us! ”
But his call to the Muslims for military organizing seem today as bizarre as the cries for help addressed to the agressor. The Presidency and the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina asked JNA to leave the country and to recognize Serbia the agressor. Bosnia and Herzegovina was recognized as an independent state by the European Union and the Republic of Croatia on 7th April 1992.
In the beginning of April 1992, in order to organize the defence against Serbian agression and for the protection ol the Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Croatian people and their representatives founded tha Croatian Defence Council (HVO) as its armed force in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Even Haris Silajdžić as the Prime Minister of Bosnia and Herzegovina recognized the legitimity of HVO, in a special letter addressed to the UN Security Council on 16th May 1992.
On the territory of Croatian Union of Herzeg -Bosnia, on 4th April the general mobilization was proclaimed because the Serbian forces, so called JNA. opened the battlefields on the entire territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Among the other places, Sarajevo, Odžak, Derventa, Brčko, Tomislavgrad, Kupres, Livno, and the Neretva valley were attacked, the areas in which was defended not only the existence of the Croats but the integrity of the Republic of Croatia as well.
Beside Mostar, which was occupied and shelled from the surrounding hills, the Serbs bombarded Široki Brijeg, Čitluk, Međugorje, Ljubuški, Čapljina and Neum. HVO efficiently defended its territories and soon started some offensives. The military barracks of Čapljina were conquered; Ravno, Tasovčići, Mostar and the complete valley of the Neretva river were free. The defence of the Croats in Jajce and Posavina was organized with less success because of their very difficult position in these areas.
The parties of SDA and SDP, on 18th May 1992, only after Mostar was cleaned of the last Chetnics’ bases, made a proclamation to the Muslims to start defending their town together with the Croats. HVO organized a successful resistance to the agressor without bigger help of some other military formations and set free about 30% of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this way many people’s lives were saved and the revival of economy was enabled together with establishing the structures of the government.
However, in spite of all, the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, on 15th September 1992. declared that the Croatian Union of Herzeg-Bosnia was not constitutional body and for more frequent Muslim -Croatian conflicts Alija Izetbegović accused "some radical forces which wanted to make a state within the state."
The principles of the "undivided and civil Bosnia and Herzegovina” with the Muslims as a "fundamental nation” in the state, could not be accepted by the Croats primarily because of their historical experiences but not only because of them.
To show the unlogical political behaviour of the Muslim leadership, we have to remember the fact that at the time of the most atrocious seige of Sarajevo by the Serbian agressors, the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina occupied the Sarajevo's suburb of Stup, where mostly Croats lived. Just to remind, rather weak resistance of the BH Army was earlier put down in blood in the eastern and Western Bosnia. Instead of drawing a lesson, the Muslim leadership cherished some new illusions which made us all together the victims in the post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina. The conflicts between the Croats and the Muslims, helped by some subversive actions of the counter-intelligence service (KOS) and foreign intelligence services, were intensified in the beginning of 1993. The Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina attacked the Croatian settlements in central Bosnia and upper Herzegovina (Gornji Vakuf, Busovača, Travnik, Visoko, Fojnica, Prozor, Konjic, Jablanica, Mostar) trying to occupy them, the people were exiled and so the demographic picture of these areas changed.
HVO succeeded in defending the greater part of the territory which the Muslim forces, helped by the Mujahedins, tried to conquer and clean ethnically.
Unfortunately, the sufferings of civilians and material destroyings were great. Horrible crimes were done in Križančevo Selo, Buhine Kuće, Šehitluci, Brestovsko, Bilalovac, Plana, Pavlovica, Uzdol, Trusina, Budišnja Ravan, Kostajnica, Obri, Vrce, Jurići, Ljubunci, Doljani, Grabovica, Kiseljak near Žepče and other places. Beside many civil victims in the whole Bosnia and Herzegovina, with more than 200 thousand of the exiled during the war, more than 7 thousand members of HVO were killed and more than 20 thousand wounded.
The Muslim army, introducing itself as the army of the whole Bosnia and Herzegovina and all its people (the Army of BH) completely cleaned of non-Muslims the areas of Travnik, Kakanj, Konjic, Fojnica, Zenica, Sarajevo, Bugojno, Jablanica, often using such criminal methods which exceeded even those of Chetnics’.
Misusing the existing media infrastructure, which was mostly situated in Sarajevo and which was the property of all the people and citizens of this country, they of course, accused HVO and the Croats for ethnical cleansing (even for “ethnical self-cleansing”) in order to discredit every political idea of the Croats and to derogate their justified political demands.
Placed between a hammer and an anvil, between two more numerous agressors, the Croats proclaimed, on 28th August 1993 in Grude, the founding of the Croatian Republic of Herzeg Bosnia, concluding that Bosnia and Herzegovina must be organized as a union of three constitutive nations, which can provide the existence of its people as well as the state itself. That conclusion completely followed the footsteps of all international negotiators about the establishment of Bosnia and Herzegovina, from Cutilliero’s, Owen and Vance’s to Stoltenberg’s.
N.B. all such suggestions and concepts of the international subjects were accepted as logical, but when such suggestions were given by the Croats, they were estimated as herethical and even destructive for Bosnia and Herzegovina.
In March 1994 Washington agreement about the Federation of Croats and Muslims was signed, which finally stopped the war and sufferings of the Croatian people.
At the same time a preliminary agreement on the establishing of the confederation between the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republic of Croatia was signed too, but later, by many manipulations of the Muslim representatives, it was completely repressed.
Dayton peace agreement about two entities and three constitutive nations was signed on 21st November 1995 and this stopped further spreading of war Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Many practical examples have already shown that this agreement was not just but the truth is that it was better than continuing the war. With this agreement the Republic of Croatia has achieved its territorial integrity and Bosnia and Herzegovina got guarantees of the constitutiveness of the Croatian people on all levels. Dayton peace agreement would not be able without military actions of the Croatian military forces and HVO during which the territories of Bihać, Cazinska krajina and western Bosnia to the town of Banja Luka were freed and Slobodan Milošević was for the first time forced to come at the negotiating table.
For these actions the Croatian forces got many praises from Bosnian politicians and people, from the USA, western European countries and almost general world public. The actions followed after the call of Alija Izetbegović for help and after negotiations in which also the Americans took part.
So, the Croats accomplished what the international institutions, watching at ease the destroying of Sarajevo and bloodshed in the UN protected zone of Srebrenica and at that time “protected town” of Bihać which was almost before the fall, could not or did not want to do.
Unfortunately, more than 4 years after Dayton there is still large number of Croats who cannot return to their homes in the Republic of Croatia, not to mention Bosnia and Herzegovina and the areas of the Federation under the Muslim control. We are witnesses of a planned, quiet revision of Dayton agreement, the Croats are on the verge of their biological disappearance in Bosnia -Herzegovina, whatsmore they are exposed to everyday different pressures with the bizarre accuses on their noncooperation and destructiveness. Their national and cultural identity is being endangered with imposing unitary educational, administrative, informative, elective and other systems and also their intellectual connections with the Republic of Croatia are being interuppted
However. Croatian sacrifices in the previous war, sufferings of the HVO members and the civilians, not mentioning the malerial destroying, cannot and must not be forgotten. The Croatian people have enough wisdom and pride not to allow that. The victims always oblige. We are obliged to presene something that was defended in blood and these victims are the pledge of the complete freedom of the Croatian people wherever they live.
First of all, this means the opportunity to express freely their national identity in all its multiplicity. In political, cultural, intellectual, educational and all other respects it implies permanent connections with the Republic of Croatia. These are the guarantees which promise that the tragical Croatian history in Bosnia and Herzegovina will not repeat any more.
Therefore, we need further actions, hopefully political and cultural, for the purpose of strengthening our own identity. We are obliged to our historical experience and our great sacrifices and sufferings in this, we hope, last war that Croatian people were exposed to on their complete territory.
That is why we have to be worthy of the sacrifices of those who unselfishly and bravely gave their lives for their nation.

Ante Jelavic


THEIR NAMES ARE SACRED BOOK OF FREEDOM

The war for Homeland bears in its name the real description of its meaning. Proud and bloody. It has in itself two words - Homeland and war. To its passage through history Croatia has added years of the war for Homeland, written in blood and touched by the smell of the gun-powder. Small people and small country on the wind-swept area of historical events, have the refined sense for surviving. The Homeland has confronted difficult and terrible times and survived. It has also resisted the plotting politics, tricks and interests of different sides, under the guise of love towards it.
The coming times are very demanding and those who are welcoming them must be ready to act. There is the time of peace but also the time of war. The time of war came to our Homeland in the 1990s. The most dangerous for an individual but also for a nation in general is not to realize that the moment has come. It is dangerous not to take a gun when the time for it comes. Because, the time of war came for our Homeland, its best sons, led by legendary son and father of Homeland -dr. Franjo Tuđman, have realized the message of time. They saw that it was the right time to make Homeland. And therefore it was the war for Homeland. The Homeland led the war and that means more than just leading the war for Homeland. The greatest sacredness of this war is that it was for Homeland.
The people were taking the weapons on their own, they stood in front of the Serbian tanks on their own, they stopped the Chetniks’ formations, they were digging trenches and organized defensive lines. The people were ready to give their lives for the Homeland. They were singing while dying to make dying for Homeland more sacred. I don’t know whether our history or the history of any other nation or country all over the world, remembers such voluntary participation and response. The people were in the beginning only brave volunteers and later they organized their military formations. And when the war opened wide its door, the shrine of our Homeland was full of those who sacrificed for it.
The sacredness of that blood must be respected and we also must know the history of the Croatian Defence Council (HVO).
HVO has always been a cry for freedom. If the visionaries of freedom and independence, mostly unarmed people, hadn't joined the HVO, all our poems, stories and verbal wars would have been in vain.
HVO is the offspring of a thousand years old Croatian root, which has not been destroyed through the centuries of injustice and eradication.
This tiny offspring has soon grown into a strong tree of a real armed force. There are over 7 thousand killed soldiers and officers in HVO, thousands and thousands of those wounded and missing.
The HVO formations have trodden up and down their country. They know in detail all its hills and the depths of its rivers. Their eager views were directed to freedom, peace and independence.
Led by our best sons, following our brave ancestors, who knew the least details about our sufferings through history, we don’t want anything to fall into oblivion. In the vision of the President of all Croats, dr. Franjo Tuđman, in the decisiveness of the Minister of Defence Gojko Šušak, and in the wide heart and soul of our President Mate Boban, the Croatian people have found their positions. We didn’t form the Croatian Offensive Council, but Croatian Defence Council to defend the Croats in BH. We could not accept the mercy of tyrants or the pledges with which we could not survive.
WE WANTED TO DIE SO THAT FREEDOM COULD LIVE!
And if we remain silent today, the stones will cry out the blood of our dead soldiers: in our glorious Herzegovina and our capital Mostar, whose history and symbols have been destroyed for a long time; in the Central Bosnia, which has been dying over centuries for its Croatia and which has successfully defended the valley of the river Lašva; in Posavina which, dreaming of freedom preserved the Sava river as Croatian river, on the banks of which our best sons died for freedom and independence of the Croatian nation. All our battles have created history, all the blood of our dead was shed for the time in which the people would finally be safe on their land, their thousand years old land of Croats in BH.
The name of each Croatian soldier has been written in golden letters in the historical memories of the Homeland in the last war. They are shining from the monuments as the posts of pride marking the courage for Homeland.
Wearing the cap with Croatian sign on it, they defended the doorsteps of Croatian dignity, thousands years old Croatian and Catholic sacred things, they defended our rivers as well as the tops of our mountains.
Our duty and obligation is to keep the memory of them alive, to keep the spirit in which they dreamed about their Homeland. Their dreams have come to the reality of life in which we must live and make our Croatia forever free.
This memory of their names is the sacred book which we must not forget.

Stanko Sopta


EDITORIAL

This memorial-book records the names of the killed and missing members of the Croatian Defense Council (HVO) during the Homeland War, pointing out the main details about the victims, their death or disappearance.
The Croatian Defense Council was the fulfilment of a century long Croatian dream that our soldiers, for the first time in history, come together at one side in the unique defense army, under the aureole of the Homeland War as an organized armed force, expressing the will of Croatian people and their representatives in Bosnia-Herzegovina to defend the Croatian territories.
In the Homeland War more than 7,000 soldiers of HVO were killed, in the period from September 20, 1991 to April 22, 1996.
The basic source of information was the HVO’s Care Department together with the Care Departments of the Defence Offices as well as other relevant sources.
Although we have tried for years to find out the exact number of the killed or the missing soldiers of HVO. due to various reasons we have come to different numbers. The main reason of these differences was the fact that the names of individuals or even the groups of Muslim-Bosniaks from the lists of HVO were copied to the lists of the killed soldiers of the Army of Bosnia -Herzegovina, perhaps because of their administration, the wish of their families or some other reasons.
Some families completely disappeared during the war, some were displaced and these were also the reasons which made the gathering of data more difficult.
There were also some discrepancies in the names of the army units in which a soldier was killed or missing. Some names were on the list at the time when that soldier was killed, but later we could find the same unit under another, changed name.
We have also used a pattern for gathering data and photographs thanks to which the Care Offices and the Care Departments of the Defense Office have come to many important data, large number of photographs, with a lot of hard work, persistence and self-sacrifice, which we are very grateful for.
The editorial board of this book, through careful research, endless checking and analysing all the main elements, has put together a small but clear picture of each killed or missing HVO soldier.
Despite the repeated polls, hard work and persistence of all the Care Departments mentioned, despite the hard and responsible work of the editorial board of this book, there would probably appear some mistakes. Therefore, we would like you not to be very strict critics, but the well-meaning readers and sincere inheritors of the Croatian military sacrifices and their honour, who would send us your remarks to correct all the potential mistakes as soon as possible.
(There is a list for additional information and data enclosed)
May this memorial-book be a testimony of our respect and love towards the sacred sacrifice thanks to which we have survived as nation on these territories and which has to be saved as the most sacred relic by each Croatian family.

Simun Musa